Iran

Documented examples demonstrate that interrogators, judges and courts often consider standard Christian practices as evidence of criminal activity, or as a crime in themselves. Membership in house-churches, missionary activities and participation in Christian conferences are all viewed as criminal behaviour, and during arrests security agents frequently confiscate ordinary Christian items, such as Bibles, Christian literature, and crosses. As a result, many Iranian Christians, especially converts, have fled the country to protect themselves from potential persecution.

The most severe violation that Christian converts face is the threat to their lives, as apostasy – the act of leaving or renouncing one’s religion – is viewed as a crime punishable by death, according to the interpretations of some Shia clerics. Although Iran’s penal code does not explicitly criminalise apostasy, judicial officers and courts frequently treat it as a crime, bypassing the absence of legal provisions on apostasy by citing Article 167 of the Constitution, which explicitly permits judges to use Islamic jurisprudence in the absence of clear definitions of crimes or punishments. This provision leaves room for reliance on jurisprudential rulings, or “fatwas”, that classify apostasy as a serious crime.

While Islamic law offers varying interpretations on apostasy, Iranian courts typically rely on the strict interpretations of fundamentalist clerics, such as Ayatollah Ali Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic, who viewed leaving Islam as a crime punishable by death.

At least three Christian converts have been sentenced to death for this “crime”: Rev Hossein Soodmand, Rev Mehdi Dibaj, and Pastor Yousef Nadarkhani. Rev Soodmand was arrested in 1990. After spending two months in prison, he was sentenced to death by the Special Court for the Clergy in Mashhad. He refused to renounce his Christian faith and was executed in December 1990. Rev Dibaj was arrested in 1983 and sentenced to death in 1993. In January 1994, after international media reported his death sentence, he was released due to pressure from foreign parliamentarians, human rights organisations, the European Union, the US House of Representatives, and Christian leaders worldwide. He had spent over nine years in prison. However, five months after his release, Rev Dibaj’s body, bearing multiple stab wounds, was found in a park near Tehran. The perpetrators of his murder were never identified. Pastor Nadarkhani was arrested in 2009 and subsequently sentenced to death. His retrial, following an appeal, received international attention. Due to pressure from the UN, the EU, international human rights organisations, and the Vatican, Pastor Nadarkhani was acquitted of the charge of apostasy and instead given a three-year prison sentence on charges related to his evangelistic activities. He was released in 2012 after serving his sentence but was rearrested in 2016 and sentenced to 10 years in prison for “acting against national security by forming house-churches.”

Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979, there have been numerous reports of suspicious murders targeting Christian leaders by unknown assailants, followed by inadequate investigations into these incidents.

Unknown attackers murdered prominent Protestant figures such as Rev Arastoo Sayyah and Bahram Dehqani-Tafti, the son of Anglican bishop Hassan Dehqani-Tafti, who also narrowly survived an assassination attempt, alongside his wife.

And as well as Rev Dibaj, Bishop Haik Hovsepian, who had been instrumental in securing Rev Dibaj’s release, was also killed under very suspicious circumstances. Bishop Hovsepian disappeared in January 1994, just three days after Rev Dibaj’s release. His body, bearing 26 stab wounds, was found 11 days later, and his killers were never identified. In the same year, the body of another Protestant leader, Rev Tateos Michaelian, who became the overseer of the Council of Protestant Churches in Iran following Bishop Hovsepian’s death, was found with multiple gunshot wounds to his head. The Iranian authorities claimed that the Mojahedin-e Khalq (MEK), an opposition group, was responsible for the murder, and convicted three members who allegedly confessed to the crime. However, informed sources doubted the group’s involvement and held the Ministry of Intelligence responsible.

The names of Rev Dibaj, Bishop Hovsepian, and Rev Michaelian were later included in the list of victims of the “chain murders” carried out by the Iranian Ministry of Intelligence.

Another suspicious death was that of Pastor Mohammad Bagher Yousefi, known as “Ravanbakhsh” (“soul-giver”), whose body was found hanging from a tree in 1996. Additionally, in 2005, it was reported that Ghorban Tourani, a house-church leader, was found outside his home with his throat slit. The lack of legal efforts to investigate these murders suggests the authorities’ complicity in either the killings themselves or covering them up.

Unrecognised Christians face increasing levels of arbitrary arrest and detention. The number of arrests, detentions, and trials of Christians increased after President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad took office in 2005, and intensified after 2009. The length of arrests can vary significantly, ranging from a few hours to as long as a year and a half. Many of those arrested are formally charged by Iranian authorities with crimes amounting to “actions against national security”, leading to lengthy trials.

It is important to note that publicly accessible data on arrests and detentions is significantly underreported, as many detainees fear that exposing their cases could result in further harassment from security forces. While most Christians who are arrested are eventually released, they often have to pay significant sums for bail, which is often forfeited as Christians leave the country or investigations never conclude, and therefore charges never officially dismissed. This allows the authorities to hold onto bail amounts, and also to restrict religious gatherings and practices by threatening future arrests and prosecutions. The Ministry of Intelligence is responsible for most publicly announced arrests. However, since 2012, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has also been increasingly cited as the arresting authority.

During detention, many individuals face pressure to confess. Interrogators frequently threaten long-term detention, prosecution, lengthy prison sentences, torture, mistreatment, the arrest of family members, and execution for apostasy to compel detainees to provide information about their church activities and other members. In some cases, Christians are offered release in exchange for “cooperating” with security agencies in securing the arrest of other Christians. Some detainees have also faced prolonged detention without any charges, formal indictments, trials, or judicial sentences.

Article 7 of the ICCPR states: “No-one shall be subjected to torture, or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment.” Article 38 of Iran’s Constitution also prohibits torture and mistreatment, while the United Nations Human Rights Committee, in General Comment No. 20, clarified that prolonged solitary confinement may be considered a violation of Article 7.

Despite this, many Christians interviewed by Article18 have reported torture and mistreatment during their detention by Ministry of Intelligence or IRGC agents, particularly during interrogations, and that they were subjected to long periods of solitary confinement.

Furthermore, the Iranian authorities continue to deny adequate and appropriate medical care to prisoners of conscience, which in many cases is used as a tool to apply additional pressure, aimed at compelling them to renounce their faith, which can also be considered a form of torture.

Prisoners endure harsh and inhumane conditions, including overcrowding, lack of hot water, food and sleeping facilities, and inadequate ventilation.

Iranian law prescribes punishments that amount to torture, including flogging, which has been imposed on Christians for participating in church services. In 2020, two Christian converts, Mohammad Reza (Youhan) Omidi and Saheb Fadaie, were each sentenced to 80 lashes for drinking wine during a Communion service – a punishment that was later enforced.

Court proceedings involving Christians often lack due process. Many Christians are denied access to legal counsel, or if they do have a lawyer, the lawyer is denied full access to their client’s case file, making it difficult to mount an adequate defence.

Christian converts face significant barriers to justice. They often fear that revealing their conversion in court will lead to “apostasy” charges. Many Christians interviewed by Article18 said they refrained from voicing complaints about mistreatment during their detention, fearing judges would consider their conversion to another faith as “apostasy” and a criminal act, thereby disregarding their complaints.

While Christians are sometimes charged with religious offences such as “apostasy” or “blasphemy”, political or “national security” charges are more common. Charges such as “propaganda against the regime”, “acting against national security”, “collaborating with hostile foreign countries”, “contact with anti-regime groups”, or “collusion with hostile foreign governments” are frequently used. The evidence for these charges and trials is often based upon ordinary Christian practices, such as evangelism, hosting prayer meetings or Bible studies, attending Christian conferences, or distributing Bibles. Additionally, the Iranian authorities often view any contact with organisations abroad as a “crime against national security”.

The Iranian authorities systematically deny Persian-speaking Christians the right to freedom of assembly or peaceful gathering. Article 22 of the ICCPR states: “Everyone shall have the right to freedom of association with others.” Similarly, Article 26 of the Iranian Constitution guarantees the right to peaceful assembly for recognised religious minorities. In practice, however, the authorities regularly violate these commitments and refuse to grant permits for the establishment of new churches. Some recognised Persian-speaking churches have been forcibly closed, despite having official licenses, while remaining churches have been restricted from accepting new converts, limiting participation in services to pre-registered members. The authorities have also imposed restrictions on the days of the week when church services can be held, reducing the ability of Iranians to attend.

The authorities do not permit Christians to participate in collective prayer services, celebrations, Christian holidays, or Bible studies in house-churches. Security agencies violently prevent the formation of house-churches and warn participants against attending future meetings, whether in person or online. Moreover, house-church leaders are routinely arrested and charged with “security”-related offences for attempting to organise church services. Christians are also prohibited from attending international religious conferences, a policy that violates Article 12 of the ICCPR, which guarantees the right to freedom of movement, including leaving the country. These restrictions and others severely undermine Christians’ ability to freely assemble and join their coreligionists in practising and teaching their chosen faith.

The right to freedom of expression for Christians in Iran, guaranteed under international law and also Article 24 of the Iranian Constitution, is consistently denied. Article 19(2) of the ICCPR guarantees that “everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression”. The UN Human Rights Committee, which monitors the implementation of the ICCPR, has stated that freedom of expression includes the right to engage in “religious discourse”, while Article 18 of the ICCPR guarantees the right to “prepare and distribute religious texts or publications”. However, the Iranian authorities consistently violate this right. Christians are arrested, detained and prosecuted for evangelising and distributing religious materials. Christian Persian-language websites are blocked, and jamming signals frequently disrupt satellite TV stations run by Christians. Access to the Bible is also significantly restricted.

Moreover, the distribution and importation of Bibles is widely prohibited, and security agents have confiscated Bibles and in some cases burned them. Christians involved in distributing Bibles have been arrested, while the authorities have also severely restricted the use of the Persian language in churches, limiting the ability of the vast majority of Iranians to access Christian teachings.

Christian groups are routinely monitored and harassed by the Iranian authorities. This surveillance is conducted both openly and clandestinely. The Ministry of Intelligence and IRGC frequently summon church leaders for questioning, coercing them to provide information about church activities, services, educational programmes, and the names and backgrounds of church members. Christians have also reported that intelligence agents have openly admitted during interrogations that they have been monitoring Christians and eavesdropping on their phone conversations. Information collected by the Ministry of Intelligence is later used as the basis for arrests, trials, and church closures.

Iranian security forces also frequently harass and interrogate the children, parents, and other relatives of exiled Christians as retaliation for their continued Christian activities inside the country.

1. Employment

• Article 6 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights safeguards the right to work. Accordingly, the Iranian authorities must prevent discrimination in the workplace, in hiring, and in dismissals. Discrimination in employment is one of the most common forms of discrimination against Christians, both in the public and private sectors. Many Christians have been fired from their jobs due to their religion, or have been denied employment. Employers are particularly sensitive to converts. Job applications, both in the private and public sectors, often require applicants to disclose their religion. Iranians can also usually infer from a person’s last name whether they belong to a Christian ethnic minority, are Muslim, or belong to another religious or ethnic group. Christians may also face obstacles when starting a new business, obtaining business loans, or securing the necessary permits. In some cases, particularly in government positions, discrimination in employment is codified by law. Iran’s Constitution requires Muslims to fill certain government positions, such as Supreme Leader, President, judges, and all members of Parliament except for five seats allocated to religious minorities, who must declare their support for Iran’s clerical rule.

2. Education

• Article 13 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights recognises “the right of everyone to education”, while Article 30 of the Iranian Constitution says “the government must provide free education for the entire nation, up to the end of secondary school”. However, Christians face significant discrimination in education, often resulting in expulsion or denial of admission to higher education institutions or universities, as well as the refusal to issue graduation certificates after completing coursework. As a general policy, the Iranian authorities punish citizens who engage in religious or political activities that the authorities object to, by barring them from higher education and thereby limiting their social advancement. A significant number of Christians interviewed by Article18 have been denied the right to continue their university education due to their peaceful religious activities.The case of Pastor Yousef Nadarkhani, who faced legal action after objecting to his children being forced to take Islamic studies exams, also highlights the challenges faced by second-generation Persian-speaking Christians. In 2019, while serving a lengthy prison sentence on charges related to his faith, Pastor Nadarkhani continued his fight for his children’s rights as Christians – the requirement is not imposed on children from recognised minorities, including Armenian and Assyrian Christians – by staging a three-week hunger strike.

3. Marriage and family law

• Iran’s laws on marriage and family explicitly discriminate against Christians and other non-Muslims in areas such as inheritance laws, the marriage of a Muslim woman to a non-Muslim man, child custody, and guardianship in divorce proceedings.The judicial ruling against Christian converts Sam Khosravi and Maryam Falahi in 2020 is a stark example of how Christians and other religious minorities are denied the right to adopt a Muslim child. Under pressure from security officials, a court in Bushehr ruled that Lydia, the couple’s two-year-old adopted daughter, who had been in their care since she was three months old and whose parentage is unknown, could not remain in their custody because they were Christians and Lydia was considered a Muslim. This ruling received widespread condemnation domestically and internationally.Iran’s Islamic penal code is also discriminatory in cases of consensual or non-consensual sexual relations, and in instances of violent crimes, imposing harsher punishments on non-Muslims.